There is a direct telephone connection between heaven and hell. I can prove it.
The idea crossed my mind last Sunday, when I was climbing to a snow-covered peak in the alpineregion of Italy, where I was the guest at a political conference. The sun was shining, thetemperature hovered around zero centigrade, around me was a breathtaking landscape of whitepeaks. Far away below, calm cowherds led their animals to their green pasture. Heaven onearth.
And then the cellular phone rang. The call came from Tel-Aviv, where the barometer wasclimbing to 32 degrees and above. The radio news from Israel, which I managed to receive fromtime to time, told of people killed and wounded, attacks and retaliation, bombs andbombardments, demolition of homes and deportations, and, on top of that, factory closures,mass dismissals, economic disaster. A real hell.
My colleagues at home called to tell me about an exciting development: that morning,”Haaretz” had published on its front-page a hair-raising sensation: “Gush Shalom hasthreatened officers: We collect material against you for The Hague”. (This is the originalheadline in Hebrew. In the English edition of Haaretz, it was slightly toned down.)
Following the news item, I was told, the Prime Minister has ordered his obedient servant, theAttorney General, to start criminal proceedings against us. The Minister of Justice, Me’irShitreet, a third-rate politician, declared that we were a “fifth column”. The Minister forCommunication, Rubi Rivlin, considered by many to be a clown, solemnly asserted that “This isTreason!”
Any number of politicians and commentators started a lynch campaign. Expressions like”traitors”, “informers”, “Capo” (the Jewish “camp police”, which served the Nazis in theconcentration camps), “Judenrat” (the Jewish committees appointed by the Nazis in theghettos) were freely bandied about.
There was, indeed, good reason for all this commotion.
At the beginning of the year, the Gush Shalom peace movement, like many people in Israel andabroad, decided that it could no longer ignore the fact that in the course of the IDF operationsin the occupied territories terrible acts, violating both Israeli and international law,were being committed. Some of these appeared to be war crimes. We in the Gush decided that it wasour duty, as Israeli citizens who bear responsibility for the acts of our government and ourarmy, to raise our voice and deliver a stringent warning.
On January 9 we convened a conference on war crimes in a big hall in Tel-Aviv. Severalprofessors of international law and two senior (retired) army officers were on the panel. Oneof the speakers was a war hero, air force Colonel Yig’al Shohat, who had been shot down overEgypt and lost a leg. In a voice trembling with emotion, he called upon his comrades, the combatpilots, to refuse to obey illegal orders, such as bombarding civilian neighborhoods.
All the TV and radio stations and the two major newspapers ignored the conference, to whichthey were invited. It was clear that all of the enlisted media had decided to suppress the issueof war crimes.
That became quite clear when we submitted to Kol Israel, the state-run radio network, a paidad, informing soldiers about their duty to refuse “manifestly illegal orders” – literallyrepeating the wording of the judgment of the military court following the Kafr Kassemmassacre of 1956. Kol Israel refused to broadcast it. We asked the Supreme Court to order theBroadcasting Authority to air the ad, but the court decided that it was unable to do so.
So we decided to take direct action. We distributed among the soldiers a pocket manual,setting out the prohibitions of the Geneva Convention, which was signed by Israel. Amongthem: Executions without trial (called “liquidations”), shooting of unarmed civilians,torture, prevention of medical treatment, killing the wounded (called “verification ofdeath”), starvation, deportation.
“Protect yourself against indictment abroad!” the manual said, “As a soldier in anoccupation army, you are particularly exposed to indictment for war crimes. Strictadherence to this manual will protect you from arrest and indictment abroad!”
The manual concluded: “Soldier, remember! During your military service, whether on regularor reserve duty, you must refuse manifestly illegal orders. If you have witnessed a war crime,you are duty-bound to report it!”
At the same time we sent individual letters to certain commanders and warned them that theiractions might lead in future to their indictment in an Israeli or international court. (Thereis no statute of limitation on war crimes.) In the letters, we relied solely on materialpublished in the media, especially on boasts made by the officers themselves, whopractically incriminated themselves.
Copies were sent to the media, all of whom suppressed the information, as well as to the chieflegal officer of the army, who did not take any action.
We warned these senior officers that the material collected by us would be put at the disposalof an Israeli court, if, at any time in the future, the courts start to fulfill their duty, or – asa last resort – to the International Criminal Court in The Hague.
One may assume that it was one of these officers who gave the sensational news to the militarycorrespondent of Haaretz. The liberal newspaper, which, until that day, had ignored all theinformation about our action (as, indeed, about almost all the activities of the peacemovements) did publish this story as the main sensation on its front page.
The result was a deluge of defamation. The telephone lines of Gush Shalom activists wereinundated with curses and death threats. The radio talk shows competed with each other overwho would bring the most fanatical extremists to the microphone, with the hosts egging them onand openly supporting them. Gush activists were suddenly invited to TV and radio interviews,where they were faced with interviewers who behaved like interrogators of prisoners in someShin-Beth cellar.
Of all the curses thrown at us, the most instructive was “informers”. It belongs to the ghettovocabulary. When Jews were a defenseless community, helplessly exposed to the cruelty ofGentile authorities, a Jew who denounced another Jew to the Goyim was considered the vilest ofthe vile. The fact that this word is used today, after 54 years of having our state, when we haveone of the most powerful armies in the world, shows that many in our country still live in theworld of the ghetto. Verily, it seems that it is easier to get the Jews out of the ghetto than toget the ghetto out of some Jews. The judges of the International Criminal Court look to themlike a mob of drunken Cossacks intent on carrying out a pogrom.
Our aim is, of course, prevention. We wanted to raise awareness of this subject among theofficers and soldiers. We hoped they and their colleagues would take the war crimes issue intoconsideration while making their plans, supplying perhaps the feather that would turn thescales at the moment of decision. We were resolved to turn this subject into a public issue, soas to put pressure on the political and military leadership.
Actually, the campaign of incitement unleashed against us did serve this very purpose. For aweek now, war crimes have become a central subject of the public discourse in Israel. Noofficer or soldier could avoid giving serious consideration to his deeds or defaults in theoccupied territories. Many of them for the first time became aware of what war crimes are andhow they might affect their own lives.
From now on, this subject will not disappear from the agenda.